Messages

We were getting the free books from her, and they just stopped lately because our little boy reached the age where it ends. We got a lovely email and video message wishing him good luck at school and encouraging him to keep on reading.

Was mostly in the North. Teams from Dublin entered competition but it was fixed that they'd never win. Hence the divide....

That's a bit more succinct, but pretty much covers it.

Extremists have been known to flip from one extreme point of view to the total opposite.
In the case of Eoghan Harris, he was in a "Peoples' Front of Judea vs. Judean Peoples' Front" spat with the Provos, when he was a Stickie. His obsession with the Provos and Sinn Fein led him into the bosom of Unionism.

He soon got his commuppance, though.

Who was the guy was he a journalist switched to Nationalism during the free Derry campaign?

Nick Ross?

[The domestic game today: recovery, governance and competitive balance]

The domestic game today: recovery, governance and competitive balance

The FAI after Delaney

The Football Association of Ireland's recent history has been dominated by the fall of John Delaney, its chief executive from 2005 until 2019. Delaney, a chartered accountant who had risen through the FAI via Waterford United and the role of honorary treasurer, built a reputation as a moderniser whose tenure delivered qualification for Euro 2012 and Euro 2016, but who also drew scrutiny for his six-figure salary at a cash-strapped association. The crisis broke in March 2019, when it emerged that Delaney had personally loaned the FAI €100,000 in 2017 to cover a short-term cash-flow problem, a transaction that had not been properly disclosed to the board or to Sport Ireland, the state funding body. Under mounting political and public pressure, Delaney was moved to a newly created executive vice-president role, then placed on leave, and resigned in September 2019. A subsequent Oireachtas inquiry found the FAI owed more than €55 million, with further governance and accounting irregularities exposed by auditors who found the association had failed to keep proper records.

The state, UEFA and Bank of Ireland put together a roughly €24 million rescue package, contingent on strict governance reform, and Sport Ireland's annual funding, suspended during the crisis, was only restored once new leadership and tighter financial controls were in place. Six years on, the FAI's finances remain constrained by debt repayment, but the association has pushed through structural reforms and, more importantly for the health of the game itself, has coincided with the extraordinary attendance boom described below. Whether that recovery in public interest reflects genuine institutional renewal or simply a domestic league finding its feet independently of the FAI's own troubles is a fair question, but the two trends have, at minimum, run in parallel rather than in opposition.

The IFA, Windsor Park and the Linfield question

North of the border, the Irish Football Association has faced a different set of governance headaches, most visibly around funding and stadium politics rather than a single personal scandal on the Delaney scale. The IFA's own home, Windsor Park, is owned by Linfield, and the ground's redevelopment in the early 2010s, funded substantially with roughly £31 million of public money on top of the £25 million earmarked directly for the stadium, was challenged in the courts by Crusaders, who argued the arrangement amounted to unfair state aid for a direct rival. The dispute illustrates a structural tension that has never gone away: Northern Ireland's national stadium is also a club ground owned by one of the league's biggest clubs, an arrangement without a real parallel in the Republic, where the Aviva Stadium is a neutral, state-linked venue.

Is that arrangement fuelling a Scottish-style, single-club domination of the kind seen with Celtic in the SPFL? The picture is more mixed than a simple comparison suggests. Linfield remains the most successful club in Irish League history by a wide margin, with 57 league titles, and their financial and infrastructural advantages, including ownership of the national stadium, are real. But the NIFL Premiership of the past five seasons has actually shown more competitive balance than a Linfield monopoly narrative implies: Larne, a club with no historical pedigree to speak of, won the title in 2022–23, 2023–24 and 2025–26, breaking Linfield's stranglehold and doing so through sustained private investment rather than any Windsor Park advantage. Glentoran and Coleraine have also finished regularly in the European qualification places. The league's competitive balance problem, to the extent it exists, looks less like a single dominant club and more like a widening gap between a group of five or six well-resourced clubs and a larger tail of part-time sides with attendances in the hundreds rather than thousands, several of whom have flirted with relegation from the Premiership altogether.

Attendances, north and south

The two leagues' attendance trends over the past several years tell sharply different stories. In the Republic, League of Ireland crowds have grown at a pace few would have predicted a decade ago. Total attendance across all competitions involving League of Ireland clubs broke one million for the first time in 2024, at just over 1,009,000, and rose again to 1,127,155 in 2025, an increase of nearly 12 percent in a single year. The men's Premier Division alone drew 683,208 fans in 2025, up 8 percent on the previous season, with average attendances climbing from 3,490 to 3,775. The opening weekend fixture between Bohemians and Shamrock Rovers, moved to the Aviva Stadium, drew a record 33,208 spectators, the largest League of Ireland crowd in almost eighty years. Growth has not been confined to Dublin: Derry City's average attendance rose 20 percent after a new stand opened at the Brandywell, and Shelbourne, Drogheda United and others have posted double-digit percentage increases. Commentators attribute much of the surge to a post-Covid rediscovery of local, affordable, community-rooted sport, reinforced more recently by genuine on-field success in Europe, with both Shamrock Rovers and Shelbourne reaching the league phase of the UEFA Conference League in the same season for the first time in League of Ireland history.

North of the border, NIFL Premiership attendances, while healthy by the league's own historical standards, remain far smaller in absolute terms and have not shown the same explosive growth. Average attendances across the twelve-team Premiership have hovered in the 1,400 to 2,500 range in recent seasons, with Linfield, Coleraine and Glentoran drawing the largest regular crowds and several smaller clubs averaging well under 1,000. The league did set records for aggregate attendance at marquee fixtures in 2024–25, including a Boxing Day round that drew almost 19,000 fans across six games and a BetMcLean Cup final that set an all-time record of 14,539, evidence of strong appetite for the game's set-piece occasions even where week-to-week attendance at smaller grounds remains modest.

The pull of England and Scotland

Any account of the strength, or otherwise, of the domestic game in Ireland has to reckon with a phenomenon that predates television and has only intensified with it: the extraordinary popularity of English, and to a lesser extent Scottish, clubs among Irish supporters, north and south. Survey data has consistently found that a much larger share of Irish adults identify as supporters of an English Premier League club than of a League of Ireland side, with Manchester United and Liverpool competing for top spot and Celtic, owing to its historic Irish-Catholic identity, a distant but clear third. Estimates have put the number of Irish fans who travel regularly to watch matches in Britain in the tens of thousands each year.

The causes are not mysterious. Geographic and cultural proximity, a shared language, decades of televised English football on Irish screens well before the domestic game had equivalent broadcast exposure, and, in the north in particular, communal identification through Celtic and Rangers rather than through local Irish League clubs, have all played a part. Whether this detracts from or strengthens the domestic game is genuinely debatable, and reasonable people in Irish football disagree. The case that it detracts is straightforward: money, media coverage and the imagination of a generation of young Irish players and fans has been drawn toward Manchester, Liverpool and Glasgow rather than Tallaght, Dalymount or the Oval, arguably suppressing investment in facilities, coaching and commercial infrastructure at home for the best part of a century. The case that it strengthens overall interest in the sport is that Ireland's appetite for the game itself, as distinct from any particular league, is enormous and durable, and that the recent League of Ireland attendance boom has coincided with, not come at the expense of, continued mass support for English football; many of the same fans now filling Tallaght Stadium or Dalymount Park on a Friday night are watching the Premier League on Saturday afternoon. The League of Ireland's growth suggests the relationship may be less zero-sum than it once appeared.

Facilities: old grounds, new ambitions, unresolved bills

Facilities on both sides of the border tell a story of long neglect followed, in the past decade, by fitful and often politically fraught investment. In the Republic, most League of Ireland grounds were, until recently, small, dated and often barely fit for purpose; Dalymount Park, Bohemians' historic home and the ground where Ireland played its first ever international, is now finally being redeveloped with a plan to more than double its capacity, a project regularly cited as central to sustaining the recent attendance boom, alongside Derry City's new stand at the Brandywell and ongoing upgrades at Shamrock Rovers' Tallaght Stadium.

The picture in the north is dominated by one unresolved and expensive saga: Casement Park, the GAA's Belfast stadium, derelict since 2013 and originally slated for redevelopment as part of a shared "peace dividend" building programme alongside Windsor Park (funded to the tune of roughly £31 million for the IFA and Irish League clubs) and Ulster Rugby's Ravenhill. What began as a roughly £77.5 million project ballooned, through more than a decade of political stalemate, funding disputes between Stormont, Dublin and Westminster, and construction-cost inflation, to an estimated £300–400 million. In September 2024 the UK government confirmed it would not fund the project in time for Northern Ireland to host UEFA Euro 2028 matches, a decision the IFA's chief executive called deeply disappointing, not least because Windsor Park's own capacity, even after its 2010s redevelopment to roughly 18,000, falls well short of UEFA's requirements for hosting a European Championship. The episode is a reminder that facility investment in Northern Irish sport remains entangled with the North's fragile power-sharing politics in a way that has no real equivalent south of the border.

The way forward: is unification realistic?

The idea of a single, all-island soccer league is not new, and it resurfaces roughly once a decade. The most serious recent attempt came from the businessman Kieran Lucid, whose All-Island League Advocacy Group proposed, first in 2019 and then in a revised hybrid format in 2020, a unified top tier drawing clubs from both the League of Ireland and the NIFL Premiership, with separate regionalised lower leagues feeding into it. The proposal won cautious or enthusiastic backing from a majority of clubs on both sides of the border, including twenty of the twenty-two top-flight clubs who signed a letter urging UEFA to consider the plan, and even from the FAI, which signalled openness to talks. It was, in the end, blocked outright by the IFA, whose chief executive Patrick Nelson argued the projected income figures were speculative and that the plan risked jeopardising UEFA competition places and solidarity funding for Northern Irish clubs under the existing NIFL structure.

The obstacles to unification are real but not, on the historical evidence, insurmountable in principle. Financially, a unified league loses each association's separate allocation of UEFA competition slots (Champions League and Europa/Conference League places), a genuine and immediate cost that any merger proposal has to overcome, typically through hybrid formats that preserve two domestic seasons feeding into a combined knockout or play-off phase rather than one flat league table. Politically, any formal merger of the IFA and FAI would require both associations' full memberships to agree, UEFA and FIFA's sanction, and, given Windsor Park's status as a unionist cultural landmark and the continuing, if reduced, salience of identity politics in Northern Irish sport, a level of institutional trust between Belfast and Dublin that has not existed since 1921. What would change the calculus is money: if a credible business case demonstrated that a unified competition could meaningfully close the financial gap with comparable European leagues (the same logic driving the on-again, off-again Belgian-Dutch "BeNeLiga" project), clubs' self-interest might eventually outweigh institutional inertia in a way that pure appeals to national or sporting unity have so far failed to do.

Short of full league unification, cross-border cooperation has a long, if patchy, history: the Texaco Cup, Blaxnit Cup and Setanta Cup in earlier decades, the current Unite the Union Champions Cup between the NIFL and League of Ireland champions, the Presidents' Cup for junior sides, and a new women's All-Island Cup launched in 2023, all point to an appetite for cross-border competition that stops short of full merger. These smaller initiatives may, in practice, be a more realistic near-term path than a single unified league, building trust and commercial familiarity between the two associations incrementally rather than through one contentious, all-or-nothing vote.

As for the two national teams, unification of the international sides is, if anything, a harder question than club unification, since it would mean one association effectively absorbing the other's international history and identity, a process with almost no clean precedent outside German reunification, itself a special case involving the total collapse of one state. Both teams are likely to remain separate for the foreseeable future. Northern Ireland, under Michael O'Neill, has shown that a well-organised, tactically disciplined side punching above its playing population can still reach a major tournament, as Euro 2016 proved, and the domestic league's modest but real recent revival, with clubs like Larne investing seriously in youth structures, gives some cause for optimism about a sustainable pipeline of players. The Republic's path back to consistent tournament qualification looks more likely to run through the current wave of League of Ireland investment and rising attendances translating, over a generation, into a stronger, more competitive domestic pathway feeding both the national team and the export market to English and Scottish football that has long been Irish football's most reliable source of talent.

Lessons from comparable European leagues

Ireland, north and south, is not alone in grappling with the economics of a small domestic league operating in the shadow of the "big five" leagues and, closer to home, the Premier League specifically. Scotland offers perhaps the most direct comparison and a partly cautionary one: the SPFL has for over a decade been effectively a two-club competition between Celtic and Rangers, sustaining reasonably strong overall attendances but with a competitive imbalance considerably starker than anything currently seen in the NIFL, where Larne's recent title wins show the ceiling is not fixed to one or two clubs alone. Belgium and the Netherlands, meanwhile, offer the clearest working example of the merger logic that the All-Island League proposal drew on directly: the long-running discussions around a "BeNeLiga," combining the Eredivisie and Belgian Pro League into a single, more commercially powerful competition, have stalled repeatedly over exactly the objections that sank the Irish proposal, disagreement over which clubs would populate the top tier and how revenue would be shared between historically strong and weaker clubs, but the fact that two wealthy, well-established leagues have seriously entertained the idea for years suggests the underlying economic logic, that combining small markets can produce a more valuable competition than either operating alone, is sound even where execution proves difficult. The Scandinavian leagues, and Austria's Bundesliga, are frequently cited by Irish football administrators as models of what a well-run small league can achieve: strong academy pathways, sustainable spending relative to broadcast revenue, and a realistic focus on developing and selling players rather than competing directly with the game's financial superpowers. The League of Ireland's own recent attendance surge, driven less by any single administrative masterstroke than by rediscovered local pride, improving facilities and a couple of clubs' genuine European success, may in the end be the most instructive lesson of all: that Irish soccer's most durable recent growth has come from the bottom up, from clubs and supporters rebuilding interest match by match, rather than from any grand institutional reform imposed from above.

---

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[A Game Divided: The History of Soccer in Ireland, North and South]

I asked Claude for a long-form article on this topic so here it is. Hopefully this answers BnM's questions. I asked for a few other things besides the history.

A Game Divided: The History of Soccer in Ireland, North and South

Ireland is unusual among sporting nations. Rugby, cricket, hockey, cycling, golf and, of course, Gaelic games are all organised on a thirty-two-county basis, with a single governing body sending a single team onto the pitch regardless of the border that has run through the island since 1921. Soccer alone was split down the middle, and more than a century later it remains so, with two associations, two leagues and two national teams competing for the loyalty of a population that, in nearly every other sporting context, thinks of itself as one. Understanding why requires going back further than partition itself, to the game's earliest days in Belfast drawing rooms and Dublin cricket clubs, and following it through a cultural revival that turned sport into a battleground for national identity, a schism born of a cup semi-final, and a century of quiet sectarian pressure that shaped both the game and the country around it.

Origins: before and after the English FA

The Football Association in England was founded in 1863, codifying rules that had been played in various forms at English public schools for decades. Soccer's arrival in Ireland followed roughly fifteen years later, and its foundation myth centres on one man. According to the traditional account, John McAlery, a Belfast businessman, organised an exhibition match on 24 October 1878 between two Scottish clubs, Queen's Park and Caledonian, and went on to found Cliftonville, Ireland's first club, in 1879, before founding the Irish Football Association (IFA) itself in November 1880.

Recent scholarship has complicated that story. Historian Martin Moore's research, published in *Sport in History*, uncovered evidence of association football matches in Ireland as early as 1875, and argued that credit for introducing the game should be shared more widely rather than resting on McAlery alone. What is not in dispute is the game's early character. It arrived through Scottish and English influence: migrant workers, students returned from English schools, and commercial and military links with Britain all played a part. Early clubs such as Oldpark, Distillery and Avoniel were formed by workers at Belfast printworks and distilleries, giving soccer in Ireland a working-class, industrial character from the outset that distinguished it from rugby, which took root more in the professional and grammar-school classes.

The IFA, founded on 18 November 1880 by seven clubs mostly from the Belfast area, became the fourth-oldest football association in the world, after England, Scotland and Wales, and immediately joined the International Football Association Board, the body that still sets the laws of the game today. Ireland's first international was played in 1882, a 13–0 defeat to England that remains a record scoreline for both teams. From the start, though, administration was heavily concentrated in Belfast and Ulster. Of the 48 international matches played in Ireland before partition, only six were staged in Dublin. Most players selected for the Ireland team came from Ulster-based clubs. That imbalance, more than anything to do with the political border itself, planted the seed of the split that would come four decades later.

The distribution of clubs today

The game's nineteenth-century geography still shapes it now. In the Republic, the FAI oversees roughly 1,180 to 1,190 grassroots clubs across some 75 to 78 affiliated leagues, with over 220,000 registered players and more than 80,000 volunteers involved in the game nationwide. The professional pyramid sits atop that base: ten clubs in the Men's Premier Division of the League of Ireland, ten more in the First Division, and a growing Women's Premier Division. Dublin remains the game's heartland, home to four of the country's best-supported clubs, Shamrock Rovers, Bohemians, St Patrick's Athletic and Shelbourne, though provincial clubs such as Cork City, Galway United, Sligo Rovers, Derry City and Waterford give the league a genuinely national footprint.

In Northern Ireland, the IFA governs more than 960 registered clubs, with the twelve-team NIFL Premiership sitting above the Championship and a network of intermediate and junior leagues, many of them intensely local, running through towns like Lurgan, Portadown and Coleraine. Belfast still dominates: five of the twelve current Premiership clubs, Linfield, Glentoran, Cliftonville, Crusaders and Dundela, are based in the city, a legacy of the game's industrial-Belfast origins that has never really faded. One geographic quirk survives from the split: Derry City, unable to play home games safely in the north during the Troubles, was granted a rare cross-border exemption in 1985 and has played in the League of Ireland ever since, the one senior club that formally straddles the divide.

A rival takes shape: the GAA

Soccer's growth in the 1880s did not go unanswered. Ireland in that period was in the grip of a cultural and political revival, a reaction against decades of anglicisation that took in the Irish language, literature, and, crucially, sport. Michael Cusack, a Clare-born teacher who ran a Dublin crammer school, believed that "foreign" games such as soccer, rugby and cricket were displacing native Irish pastimes and, with them, a distinct sense of Irish identity. On 1 November 1884, Cusack and a small group of supporters met in the billiards room of Hayes's Hotel in Thurles, County Tipperary, and founded the Gaelic Athletic Association. Maurice Davin became its first president; Archbishop Thomas Croke, Charles Stewart Parnell and Michael Davitt were invited as patrons, giving the new body the blessing of the Catholic Church and the two dominant strands of nationalist politics in a single stroke.

The GAA was, from its foundation, explicitly a nation-building project as much as a sporting one. It set out to codify and popularise hurling and Gaelic football as the authentically Irish alternative to games associated with British rule, and it succeeded on a scale that soccer, rugby and cricket in Ireland never matched. Soccer's rapid growth in Belfast and, more slowly, in Dublin, was one of the very developments Cusack and his allies were reacting against. In that sense, the GAA is soccer's shadow twin: it would not exist in the form it took without the prior spread of "foreign" games it was founded to displace.

The GAA's effect on soccer, and the ban

Having been founded partly in opposition to soccer, the GAA went on to actively suppress it among its own membership for the best part of a century. What became known simply as "the ban" (Rule 27 of the GAA's official guide) prohibited members from playing or attending soccer, rugby, cricket or hockey, on pain of suspension. A related prohibition, Rule 42, barred the playing of those games on GAA-owned grounds, a rule that outlasted the personal ban by decades and was only relaxed in 2005 to allow rugby and soccer internationals to be played at Croke Park while Lansdowne Road was being redeveloped.

The personal ban's most notorious application came in 1938, and it is a story that captures, better than any other single episode, how seriously the GAA's leadership took the boundary between Gaelic and "foreign" games. Douglas Hyde, the founder of the Gaelic League and a patron of the GAA for 36 years, had just been inaugurated as the first President of Ireland. On 15 November 1938, in his official capacity, he attended an international soccer match between Ireland and Poland at Dalymount Park in Dublin, sitting alongside Taoiseach Éamon de Valera in front of a record crowd of some 34,000. Hyde greeted the visiting Polish players in Irish, and the match, a 3–1 win for the home side, passed off as an unremarkable diplomatic occasion. It was anything but unremarkable to the GAA's Central Council. On 17 December 1938, it voted to remove Hyde from his patronage, ruling that his attendance had breached Rule 27.

The episode caused genuine national controversy at the time and has remained a byword since for the GAA's rigidity in that era. De Valera, who had sat beside Hyde at the same match, faced no sanction, since he was not a GAA member. The irony did not escape contemporaries: the man being disciplined was one of the great architects of Irish cultural nationalism, the same tradition the GAA itself claimed to embody, removed from an honorary position for the "crime" of watching a game of soccer as head of state. Hyde bore the humiliation without public complaint and remained President until 1945, but the affair, later the subject of Cormac Moore's book *The GAA v Douglas Hyde*, has come to symbolise the extremes to which the ban was taken.

The ban on foreign games, as distinct from Rule 42's ground restrictions, was finally abolished by GAA congress delegates in 1971. Its removal had a measurable effect on the fortunes of the two national soccer teams. Because most of the ban's practical force fell on Catholics and nationalists in the twenty-six counties (GAA membership skewed heavily in that direction), Republic of Ireland soccer had, for decades, effectively been discouraged among a large section of its own natural playing population. Northern Ireland, without an equivalent restriction on the same scale, dominated on the pitch through the mid-twentieth century, qualifying for the World Cup in 1958, 1982 and 1986, while the Republic did not reach a World Cup finals until 1990. Once the ban lifted and soccer's playing base in the south broadened, the two teams' fortunes essentially reversed within a generation.

The 1921 split: IFA, FAI and the road not taken by other sports

Soccer had been governed as a single, all-island sport under the IFA for forty years before it split. The proximate cause was not partition itself but a bitter, parochial row over a venue. In March 1921, amid the Anglo-Irish War of Independence, the IFA's Protests and Appeals Committee ordered that a drawn Irish Cup semi-final between Dublin's Shelbourne and Lurgan's Glenavon be replayed in Belfast rather than Dublin, citing safety concerns. Shelbourne, backed by the Leinster Football Association, refused to travel and were expelled from the competition. Tensions had already been building: a "flag incident" at an amateur international in Paris earlier that year, in which stewards acting on IFA instructions removed students carrying the Irish tricolour, had convinced many in Dublin that the Belfast-run association was politically partisan.

Within months, the Leinster FA broke away, and on 1 September 1921 the Football Association of Ireland was formed in Dublin. Both bodies initially claimed jurisdiction over the whole island. Reconciliation talks in 1923, 1924 and 1932, some brokered by the English FA, came close to a settlement more than once, but foundered largely on the IFA's insistence on retaining primacy, including the chairmanship of the international selection committee, rather than accepting genuine equality with the new southern body. When the FAI finally secured FIFA membership in 1923, it did so only by accepting the name Football Association of the Irish Free State and a jurisdiction limited to the twenty-six counties, a compromise, not a mandate from Dublin, that formalised the division still in place today.

What makes the soccer split so unusual is that almost no other Irish sport followed suit. Rugby's Irish Rugby Football Union, cricket's governing body, field hockey, cycling and, of course, the GAA all continued, and continue today, to organise on a thirty-two-county basis, sending single "Ireland" teams to World Cups, Six Nations tournaments and Olympic qualifiers regardless of the border. The IRFU in particular is instructive: founded in 1879, a year before the IFA, it never split, and an Ireland rugby team containing players born in Cork, Belfast, Dublin and Antrim remains entirely unremarkable, drawing support from unionist and nationalist communities alike without the friction that has dogged the two soccer associations. Cricket, remarkably, actually reunified after an early split, becoming a single all-island body again within a few years. Soccer's failure to do the same, when almost every comparable sport managed it, points to something specific about the 1921 dispute and the personalities and institutional pride involved, rather than to partition being an insurmountable barrier in itself.

Has the divide hampered the game's growth? The honest answer is probably yes, on balance, though the counterfactual is unknowable. Two separate leagues means two smaller pools of clubs, players, sponsorship and broadcast revenue, and, most damagingly for competitiveness in Europe, two sets of UEFA coefficient points instead of one. A single thirty-two-county league would in theory be larger and more commercially attractive than either league is alone, closer in scale to competitions such as those in Scotland, Denmark or Austria that punch above their population weight. Whether the split has *contributed* to social and political division, as opposed to simply reflecting divisions that already existed, is harder to establish. The more persuasive reading, borne out by the history of Belfast Celtic and by decades of sectarian abuse inside Northern Irish grounds, is that soccer became a stage on which pre-existing communal tensions were performed and occasionally worsened, rather than the root cause of those tensions itself.

Two national teams: politics on the pitch

The two Irish soccer teams' fortunes on the international stage track, closely and sometimes eerily, the social and political mood on the island. Northern Ireland's golden generation, managed by Billy Bingham and captained at various points by Pat Jennings and Martin O'Neill, a Catholic from Nationalist west Belfast, reached the World Cup finals in 1958, 1982 and 1986, an achievement no other "home nation" bar England and Scotland matched as consistently in that era. The 1982 side's defeat of the host nation, Spain, in Valencia, with Gerry Armstrong (also a Catholic from west Belfast) scoring the only goal, remains one of the great moments in the team's history.

What is striking, and often forgotten now, is how broadly that Northern Ireland team was supported across the sectarian divide at the time. Armstrong later recalled receiving hundreds of telegrams of support from south of the border during the 1982 tournament, at the height of the Troubles, and Catholic communities in the north followed the team's progress with real enthusiasm. That cross-community goodwill did not survive the following decade. As the Republic's own fortunes rose dramatically under Jack Charlton, qualifying for Euro 1988 and the World Cups of 1990, 1994 and 2002, and as the conflict in the north deepened through the late 1980s and early 1990s, northern nationalist support increasingly transferred south. By the time Northern Ireland played the Republic in a fraught, heavily politicised World Cup qualifier at Windsor Park in November 1993, played only weeks after the Shankill Road bombing and the Greysteel massacre, the atmosphere bore no resemblance to the shared pride of 1982. Windsor Park itself, the home of Linfield, a club with an overwhelmingly Protestant and unionist support base, and the setting for "God Save the Queen" before internationals, had by then become a ground that many Catholic supporters, and indeed some Catholic Northern Ireland players, found unwelcoming.

The Republic's Italia '90 campaign deserves particular mention for its social effect. The team advanced to the quarter-finals without winning a single match in ninety minutes, memorably beating Romania on penalties, and captured a nation still marked by emigration, unemployment and a lingering post-colonial sense of inferiority. Historians of the period have described Italia '90 as a genuine symbol of a country beginning to see itself differently: capable of success on the world stage, and united, briefly and joyously, across a society still fractured by the border, the Troubles and economic hardship. The 1994 win over Italy at Giants Stadium and Robbie Keane's last-gasp equaliser against Germany at the 2002 World Cup extended that golden period, even as the northern team, its player pool now including more Catholic footballers such as the two Neil/Michael O'Neills, faded from the elite tier of European football for two decades until Michael O'Neill's side reached Euro 2016, its first major tournament in thirty years.

Sectarianism and the game

No honest account of soccer in Ireland can avoid its sectarian history, which is longest and most severe in the north but has echoes on both sides of the border. Belfast Celtic, founded in the Catholic Falls Road area in 1891 and for decades one of the most successful clubs in Ireland, twice withdrew from senior competition because of sectarian violence: first in 1920, amid rioting during the War of Independence, and finally and permanently after Boxing Day 1948. In that match against Linfield at Windsor Park, watched by roughly 27,000 people, Celtic's Protestant striker Jimmy Jones was dragged into the crowd by Linfield supporters after the final whistle and had his leg broken in a sustained assault. Celtic fulfilled the rest of that season's fixtures and then withdrew from the Irish League for good, ending the story of one of the island's great clubs and leaving a gap in Belfast's soccer landscape, and in its Catholic community's footballing home, that was never really filled. Cliftonville, ironically the club whose 1878 exhibition match had launched the association game in Ireland, became over subsequent decades the closest thing to a Catholic and nationalist-supported club left in the Irish League, and it too has suffered its share of violence and intimidation, including a 1991 grenade attack near its fans at Windsor Park.

Sectarian abuse of individual players persisted long after Belfast Celtic's demise. The most prominent modern case is that of Neil Lennon, a Catholic from County Armagh who captained Northern Ireland while playing for Celtic. After enduring jeering and abuse from sections of his own country's support through 2001, Lennon withdrew from a Northern Ireland squad in August 2002 after the BBC received a death threat, purportedly from the Loyalist Volunteer Force, warning that he would be "seriously hurt" if he took the field against Cyprus. He never played for Northern Ireland again. The episode was one of the catalysts for the IFA's "Football for All" campaign, an anti-sectarianism initiative credited with improving, though not eliminating, the atmosphere at Windsor Park in the years since. Lennon later suffered further threats and a physical assault as Celtic manager, underlining that the issue was never confined to international football alone but ran through Scottish-Irish football culture more broadly, given Celtic and Rangers' own deep roots in Irish sectarian identity.

This book was a good read.
It mainly charts the fall off in the popularity of the League Of Ireland once English soccer started to be beamed into Irish homes.
Also, it deals with how soccer in Ireland has traditionally fallen short when it comes to business and corporate acumen that old monied rugby always had and the GAA developed with the benefits of free education.

There was a good quote from Brian Kerr. "Soccer was a working-class game. It was not for the middle-class Fianna Fáil types... Sport was controlled by the religious and the powerful, whereas those running football had little business acumen... [They] didn't have the knowledge or the foresight to look ahead. I remember being told once the problem with the FAI was that there were too many bicycles chained to their gates."

https://www.amazon.co.uk/Stole-Game-Fall-Irish-Soccer/dp/0717140040

Thanks for the tip. That's going on my wish list

[The stats came out quite surprising. It was more balanced than I was expecting.]

I used to do a thing of listening to him every day for a month to make a note of who was contributing most often. The stats came out quite surprising. It was more balanced than I was expecting.

I raised an eyebrow on reading this. I recall this discussion being debated in the Stephen Nolan thread some time ago. You posted your stats for his show in June 2023. Here's your results:

The same statistical analysis shows that in the same period, he had 8 guests representing the Belfast Telegraph and 1 from the Irish News.

On the same thread, I posted a breakdown of guests I did myself from Febrarury the same year:
Unionists: 22
Nationalists: 6 (3 of which are Alison Morris who is a journalist for a Unionist Newspaper)
Other: 4

I remember debunking the oft-repeated claim that Bryson and Allister were on everyday. But now that you mention it, I seem to remember the balance not reflecting the share of assembly seats with a skew towards unionism. But then with SF boycotting the show, and I think the SDLP were too, it's probably inevitable.

And another thing, who listens to Nolan. No 'nationalist' should be listening to that clown. Stirs things up for ratings.

I used to do a thing of listening to him every day for a month to make a note of who was contributing most often. The stats came out quite surprising. It was more balanced than I was expecting.

Another question for those who selected Option E for opposing England's national team, can you tell me your reasons? Select all that apply:

• Fed up hearing about 1966 and dread hearing it for another half century if they were to win the damn thing again
• Fed up with the attitude of them expecting to win every time and having a big post-mortem every time they don't
• Hooliganism
• Don't like the English personally
• Bad experience with British solidiers during the Troubles
• Bad experience with English people when living in or visiting England
• 800 years of oppression, colonisation, famine/genocide, etc.
• Other, please specify ...

[It was in the Rangers 9 in a row era]

I grew up in Larne and won a season ticket in a competition when i was 8 or 9. I went to most games for a few years then got chased home by local protestants for being a catholic a few times. It was in the Rangers 9 in a row era and the loudest cheer at Inver Park was them winning or Celtic losing every week so by 12/13 I realised they weren't for me and i wasnt for them.

So mid-80s to mid-90s then? How old would you have been at the time? That'd certainly be enough to put anyone off supporting the local team. Mad stuff.

More late 80s to late 90s. Was it 89-97? I was born in 1984 so you're probably looking about 1995/96ish as i found once they went to big school, lads i knew from the local estate where i lived changed in terms of religion.

They became more hostile when they went to secondary school?

[It was in the Rangers 9 in a row era]

I grew up in Larne and won a season ticket in a competition when i was 8 or 9. I went to most games for a few years then got chased home by local protestants for being a catholic a few times. It was in the Rangers 9 in a row era and the loudest cheer at Inver Park was them winning or Celtic losing every week so by 12/13 I realised they weren't for me and i wasnt for them.

So mid-80s to mid-90s then? How old would you have been at the time? That'd certainly be enough to put anyone off supporting the local team. Mad stuff.

[If you answered like that, can I ask why your relatives supported them?]

Thanks for the responses so far, this is interesting. I have some more questions below, which I've bolded.

Bit of a pattern emerging here. A lot of it seesm to be hereditary. People supporting an English club because their dad or another older relative supported them.

If you answered like that, can I ask why your relatives supported them?

Would they have lived and worked for a while in the city where "your" club is based?

I know my dad spent a bit of time around Luton in the 60s (although he moved quite a bit with the construction of the motorways) and since then always took at least a passing interest in the fortunes of Luton Town. He was never a vociferous supporter of them, and any interest he had in English soccer was more to do with the pools, and the Saturday evening ritual of watching the results coming in on Grandstand's Vidi-printer followed by the classified results. It was vastly eclipsed by his love for the GAA though. I digress.

In our class at school there were two die-hard Celtic fans, and I get the impression that they inherited that from their dads. I don't know if they spent any time in Glasgow, but I know it was an industrial powerhouse in the 19th and early 20th centuries, so a lot of Irish would have gone over there. I know my Irish grandparents spent some time there.

I would say there were generations of Irish that worked in Britain and picked up a following of local soccer clubs that they later took back to Ireland with them and passed on to later generations, which probably accounts for some of the support that still exists today, based on the responses we're seeing here.

For the ones that picked teams at random, that was a little harder for me to fathom, but I think I have it now. Is it like when your mates come into school talking about the latest happenings in a soap opera, so you feel the need to get into it yourself to see what's going on and you can partake in the conversation? I remember being completely lost in a lot of coversations at school among lads who would just discuss English soccer every day at lunchtime. It'd be a big incentive to get into it. I probably would have been less of an outcast if I had a strong opinion one way or another on who was going to win.

Finally, there are definitely parts of Ireland where there's not much in the way of soccer (good quality or otherwise) to support. Given the sheer blanket coverage that the EPL gets on free-to-air TV, you're probably more likely to see Man-U v Liverpool than Glenavon v Glentoran. And when you do, the EPL games just look better because of the big crowds, the big stadiums, and the noise they make. A big crowd is part of the spectacle, it makes you feel like you're watching something worthwhile. That's why the LGFA and Camogie finals in Croke Park always look a bit understated to me. Vast empty areas in the stands and behind the goals are not a good look, and it really detracts from the atmosphere. It certainly doesn't look good on TV. Similar is the two men and a dog that seemed to watch Irish League matches the last time I saw any of that on BBC NI's coverage.

I mean, compare Ballymena United:



to Dortmund:



It doesn't take a genius to see where the better atmosphere is.

So if there were a soccer team near you, that played in a large-ish and modern stadium, attracted a big enough crowd to generate a good atmosphere, played at a high enough standard, and didn't have a sinister or sectarian atmosphere about it, would you be more likely to support them and go to their games on a regular basis?

I remember that.

He's got the bigotry of Jim Allister and the cringe-worthy awkwardness of Ricky Gervais, minus any humour.

He always sounded like he was about to start crying any time I heard him on radio. But I'll remember him mostly for this ballex: https://www.newsletter.co.uk/news/opinion/columnists/ben-lowry-we-witnessed-sombre-and-shocking-scenes-at-the-jeffrey-donaldson-court-hearing-4607418

Boys o boys but that is painful to read.