Quote from: stibhan on December 30, 2008, 01:31:20 AMI agree with your main point, that it was membership of the UK rather than the benevolence of the unionist administration, which benefited Catholics in the north. Disagree with the conclusion you draw from this, however, when you say that had it not been for this link, Catholics would have been in a similar state to black South Africans. More accurate to say, surely, that if there'd been no link with the UK, there wouldn't have been a unionist administration in the first place, no?Quote from: Myles Na G. on December 29, 2008, 05:29:04 PMQuote from: stibhan on December 29, 2008, 01:07:45 PMI agree with you that there was discrimination and gerrymandering carried out by the stormont regime. What I take issue with is the assertion that this resulted in Catholics in the north being worse off than, say, black South Africans under apartheid. The welfare state in the north meant that even in the dark days, Catholics in the north were still better off economically and socially than people living in the Free State. The Housing Act of 1945 meant that there was more public housing about, and Catholics had access to this. The 1947 Education Act in increased the capital grants for voluntary or Catholic schools. Family allowance and unemployment rates were much higher in the north than they were down south. In these years of 'unionist oppression', the Catholic middle class continued to grow and prosper. And let's not forget that some of the franchise measures used by the unionist parliament to exclude some Catholics from voting, also had the effect of excluding some working class Protestants. I'm not defending the regime: it was hateful and should have been dismantled long before it eventually fell. But if we exaggerate the impact it had on Catholics and nationalists by comparing our situation to people living in cardboard huts in shanty towns, we make our own argument look silly and trivialise the experience of those who lived in real squalor.Quote from: Myles Na G. on December 29, 2008, 08:35:00 AMQuote from: stibhan on December 29, 2008, 01:16:43 AMBut you haven't been forced into it Stibhan. You're quite happy to mind the gun (I could've said explosives too) for me, because you also think my neighbour deserves to die. So, again, do you think you should go to prison too? And you're wonderfully selective with the example you choose. Of course I believe that those who committed murder on Bloody Sunday should face justice. I believe the same of those who committed murder on Bloody Friday, or in Darkley, Teebane, La Mons, Birmingham, Omagh, Enniskillen, Guildford, Ballygawley, Shankill Road, McGurks, Ormeau Road, Greysteel, etc, etc, etc. What about you? What's your view? I'm interested in that distinction you make between political and sectarian murders. Doesn't make sense to me. My neighbour's going to be just as dead, whether I'm killing him because he's a Protestant or because he votes for the Green Party. And at the end of the day, is one reason better than the other? If you think I've 'played down' the unionist misrule bit, I think you've over egged the pudding a wee bit when you talk of Catholics not being able to vote, get a job, and so on. NI may have been a cold house for Catholics, in Trimble's memorable phrase, but it wasn't South Africa under apartheid (though I understand why republicans like to make out it was - makes it easier for them to justify their 'armed struggle'). I appreciate that the GAA members have often been the target of thugs / killers, but they don't have a monopoly on suffering anymore than unionists do. And for what it's worth, I'm not actually a unionist. I played Gaelic football as a child, both for a club and at school. Gave it up when I realised that (a) I preferred soccer and (b) I was crap.Quote from: Myles Na G. on December 26, 2008, 06:46:29 PM
Are you saying that you think possessing guns is not serious? What do you think guns are used for? If I ask you to mind a gun for me until such time as I can get around to shooting my neighbour, and you agree to do so, do you not think you deserve to go to jail just as much as me? Of course I think loyalists should decommission their weapons. Why would I not? As for your other points, if you're expecting me to defend Craig and the old Stormont regime, you're going to be disappointed. I don't try and defend the indefensible. (That said, I don't think the 50 years of unionist misrule in any way justifies the so called armed struggle carried out by Irish republicans.) I know I won't be asked to play for the clubs in question, but that's hardly the point. If the GAA is serious about attracting protestants / unionists to the game, then it needs to clean up its act. I think we're agreed on your last point - I have nothing better to do with my time.
In your wonderfully phrased scenario the only answer is no, I don't. I'm minding a gun, you have the intent. I could have been forced into it and 'until you get around to such time' as carrying out the crime I wouldn't be killing anyone. I don't deserve to go to jail for 14 years if people who shot dead 14 unarmed men in cold blood don't deserve to go to jail either.
50 years of 'misrule' is playing it down a bit. 50 years of fascist b**tards ensuring that any Catholic with even a semblance of republican or nationalist thought wouldn't be able to vote, get a job or a house is more than just 'misrule.' It's an aggressive campaign based on no rational grounds whatsoever--and let's not just forget that the UVF were quite the murderers too, albeit in a sectarian rather than political way. The RUC, UDR and Army have been proven to collude with all of these...
I think you're forgetting the fact that the GAA has long been and continues to be a target for loyalist thugs. GAA grounds have often been the scenes of loyalist murders, GAA members have been killed by the loyalists. You do not have a monopoly on suffering so do not pontificate on whether or not Bobby Sands or Kevin Lynch killed anyone--which they didn't.
France, Italy and a host of other countries held pro-irish protests after Sands died, do you refuse to visit these countries because they glorify terrorism??
By political murders I mean murders with a political motivation, rather than a sectarian political motivation; it's not about someone who deserves something, it's about a means to an end. I never said someone shouldn't go to prison, I did say that someone shouldn't go to prison for the same amount of time as someone who murdered someone and I'm quite sure the courts agreed because they were given 14 years rather than a life sentence.
There is a clear distinction in law between certain deaths. Some are accidental; some are in an understandable fit of rage; some are in reaction to an attempted murder and some are down-right cold blooded. Incidentally the Good Friday Agreement, ratified by 71% of the population of the North of Ireland and 96% of the Republic, has clearly made a distinction between all of these 'political' or 'sectarian' murders and those carried out in cold blood.
The point about a monopoly on suffering isn't really applicable when you send it back. No, we don't have a monopoly on suffering, but if we compare the quote of Darcy in which he weighs up the 'Craigavons, Mountjoys...etc." with the republican names then I think you see what I'm getting at here. There has to be some parity of some sort and an inherent part of Irish culture is commemorating men who died for its freedom, a fact that you will see reflected North and South; "Connolly Station," anyone? Weren't Carson and Craig paramilitants as well? Didn't they found the tradition of Loyalist organised violence?
It's funny that you say I over-egged the Unionist discrimination when it's quite clear that there was an organised policy of discrimination. If you look at the cabinet members of the Stormont government all but 4 during its 50-year Span were in the Orange Order, a notably anti-Catholic organisation, I think you'll agree. If the Ku Klux Klan was prominent in American governance and African-Americans were somehow unable to get jobs, housing and employment there'd be some job trying to put it down to mere economic conditions, especially if a large section of the white community were considerably better off, in better jobs and being able to vote than were the African-Americans.
The relation to apartheid is clearly in terms of the systems rather than the effects. The effects of apartheid in Africa, in comparison to the Unionist government's policy of anti-Catholicism, differ because of cultural and geographical conditions rather than the systems of discrimination themselves. In fact, the likelihood is that Westminster's legislation did more for the Catholic schools than the unionist government did, as your beloved CAIN asserts:
'[By the 2nd World War] Northern Ireland has adopted a policy of parity with Westminster whereby government acts will be mirrored in Northern Ireland, with any additional cost being met by the British exchequer."
It also states that: "The Education (Northern Ireland) Act 1947 is closely modelled on the Butler Act. The main tenets of the act are that education will be compulsory for all children up to the age of 15. Primary education will end at 11 when children will be assessed by tests which will determine what type of secondary school they will attend. Facilities such as milk and dinners are made available. The funding for the Voluntary (Catholic) schools is raised to 65%."
So this is hardly a specifically Northern Problem; the government actually danced to the tune of the House of Commons and post-war consensus--a tune which their Orange flutes and lambeg drums probably weren't well equipped enough to play anyway. This fact is reflected when we look at the dates of the respective Health Service acts of both England and Northern Ireland: go on there CAIN
"In Northern Ireland the concept of a 'National Health Service' became a reality when the Health Service Act (Northern Ireland) was passed by the Stormont parliament."
My point here is that if such a 'domino effect' system hadn't have existed in Northern Ireland during the majority rule of the Unionists, then we would be in a similar state to the South Africans in all probability. That it wasn't is not a fact attributed to the generosity of Unionist rule in Ireland but rather the fleeting common sense of English politicians.