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Messages - seafoid

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GAA Discussion / Re: Leinster Club SFC 2018
« on: Today at 09:11:26 AM »
Yet the recent weekends have been just what the club championship has ideally been about for most of its nearly 50 years of official history – not necessarily David sling-shooting Goliath (although that as well) but the sense of a great honour being shared around, with only a small minority of clubs able to regenerate and challenge on a regular basis.

In Leinster, for instance, only three counties have yet to win a provincial club football title, Louth, Kilkenny and Wexford – ironic given that the All-Ireland trophy is named after the late Castletown and Wexford footballer Andy Merrigan, whose club donated the eponymous cup.

That ideal sends a specific message. Somewhere around the country are club catchments which without explanation or warning fire up a generation of particularly talented players – or in Mullinalaghta’s case a critical mass of male children.

Painstakingly developed and nurtured, they may grow to give their community a place in the spotlight that reflects pride on all concerned, fires the imagination of local children, and intensifies bonds with those from home scattered elsewhere on this island and planet.

The spotlight will inevitably move elsewhere, but its glow will bathe each parish and half-parish that it touches in perpetuity.

General discussion / Re: Brexit.
« on: December 11, 2018, 03:48:24 PM »
from the start the NI economy had difficulties. Under the GOI Act they had to make an imperial contribution which was about £8 million. This nearly threatened bankruptcy. The Unionist government sought a reduction in this but the British Government was less than sympathetic.
After the war there was a collapse in Industry and this caused a large jump in unemployment. The Unionist government wanted to match the British government's welfare programme but this was a disaster financially. by the end of 1923 the Unemployment fund was insolvent.
In 1925 the Colwyn award was introduced. N.I would make a instead of an imperial contribution, one based on domestic expenditure. this bought some stability but the 1930's created economic problems
The British government also made a financial contribution to the Special Constabulary due to the increased violence. The 'Belfast boycott' also brought economic problems as the south put economic pressure on the north in response to the expulsion of catholic workers from the shipyards.

Not sure if it answers the question but it suggests from the start that there were economic problems in the north from the start.

NI is too small to be viable imo

General discussion / Re: Brexit.
« on: December 11, 2018, 01:56:40 PM »
And, seafoid, like Blanche DuBois, the North has “always depended on the kindness of strangers” 🇬🇧
You said it, Oraisteach

Well lets hope the South doesnt need a bail out, oh wait  :o

We need a bail out every year MR2.

The DUP are proud of that fact.
When did the UK start funding NI ie when was NI no longer able to fund itself?
It hadquite a strong economy 100 years ago.

Good point but what country doesn’t have a deficit now it’s the norm especially non EU ones.

But not 27% of GDP

General discussion / Re: Brexit.
« on: December 11, 2018, 11:21:03 AM »
And, seafoid, like Blanche DuBois, the North has “always depended on the kindness of strangers” 🇬🇧
You said it, Oraisteach

Well lets hope the South doesnt need a bail out, oh wait  :o

We need a bail out every year MR2.

The DUP are proud of that fact.
When did the UK start funding NI ie when was NI no longer able to fund itself?
It hadquite a strong economy 100 years ago.

General discussion / Re: Brexit.
« on: December 11, 2018, 11:16:28 AM »
And, seafoid, like Blanche DuBois, the North has “always depended on the kindness of strangers” 🇬🇧

Here is Blanche Dodds from the Telegraph

She doesn't want realism. She wants magic.
If Theresa May was actually listening, she would know that backstop 'assurances' are not enough
Nigel Dodds
11 December 2018 • 6:00am
We take no pleasure from this position. We want an orderly exit from the European Union and we want stable government for the United Kingdom. Yesterday, however, summed up the chaos which has been the hallmark of this Prime Minister.
Despite our warnings, she trundled along towards an historic defeat on the Withdrawal Agreement. Then at the last minute she backed away from a vote.
Wednesday 14 November was arguably the high-water mark for the Withdrawal Agreement when the Prime Minister received the backing of Cabinet for the deal. That support, however, only came after a five-hour marathon meeting.
Since then there have been Cabinet resignations and an almost daily series of MPs announcing that they cannot back the deal. It has been clear for several weeks now that the Withdrawal Agreement did not have the support of the House of Commons and clear for many days that it was facing heavy defeat.
Some of us used the last two weeks to argue that the Prime Minister needed to look beyond the current Withdrawal Agreement and seek a better deal. We were ignored by Downing Street.
The Prime Minister did not listen. That time has now been wasted. Instead, the Government roadshow toured the country and online adverts were pumped out telling us the only choice was between the Prime Minister’s deal or a so-called “no deal”. That was a foolish strategy.
The Attorney General’s advice on this legally binding text laid bare that the backstop would not be temporary and how the Withdrawal Agreement failed the Prime Minister’s own previous commitments. Still we were told the Withdrawal Agreement was as good as it gets.
Those arguments by the Prime Minister now lie in tatters.
Yesterday the Prime Minister told us that she would return to Brussels to seek reassurances about the backstop but at the same time told us that this was a good deal for the United Kingdom. We don’t need more reassurances.
No reassurance will prevent, as the Attorney General said, Great Britain being “essentially treated as a third country by Northern Ireland for goods passing from GB into NI.”
The Prime Minister should have known before the Withdrawal Agreement was signed that it would not work.
Last December, we advised her not to sign up to the Joint Report, which contained a commitment to introduce backstop arrangements which could create barriers between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK. She was aware of why there was an insistence by the Democratic Unionist Party that Paragraph 50 should be inserted into the Joint Report. That paragraph, however, and its impact were not translated across to the Withdrawal Agreement.
The focus on the dangerous backstop continued despite statements from all sides that no-one would erect the so-called “hard border” on the island of Ireland. London, Dublin and Brussels all agree that they will not build a border in any circumstance.
If the Prime Minister was actually listening, she would realise that the problem is with the legally binding Withdrawal Agreement.
Mrs May will go to Brussels without having held the meaningful vote in Parliament. She cannot return to Parliament having secured only meaningless assurances from the European Union.
If the Prime Minister uses this deferment to simply repackage the Withdrawal Agreement, she will suffer more trouble on her return.
The backstop is just as unacceptable now as it was last December. It is not a continued defence of the Withdrawal Agreement that is required, but substantive change of this legally binding text.
That can be the concrete proof that Parliament and the public need to show that the Prime Minister really is listening.
Nigel Dodds MP is the Westminster leader of the Democratic Unionist Party

General discussion / Re: Brexit.
« on: December 11, 2018, 10:40:51 AM »
And, seafoid, like Blanche DuBois, the North has “always depended on the kindness of strangers” 🇬🇧
You said it, Oraisteach

GAA Discussion / Re: Half Parishes
« on: December 11, 2018, 07:32:23 AM »
So what exactly is a half parish?

It is  50% of a parish, whether by area or  population, I'm not sure.

It’s neither. A “half parish”is part of a parish that traditionally would have its own church and curate. The GAA organised along parish and “half parish” lines and in many areas there were were 2 or more clubs within a parish area. I started playing with a club that was a “half parish “ club though could be described more accurately as a “third of a parish” from either a population or area perspective.

There were 5 hurling clubs in the parish of Athenry at one stage in the 50s
I think it was linked to personality clashes.
Now there is one club.

GAA Discussion / Re: Half Parishes
« on: December 11, 2018, 07:29:52 AM »
Castlerahan who won their first senior championship this year is half a parish with the other half forming as Munterconnacht in junior championship. Mountnugent in Cavan is half a parish with the other half in Meath and play as Ballinacree.

Mullinaghta and Gowna would be a small parish anyway as half it is  a lake but Gowna are a strong senior club in Cavan with an abundance of young talent at the moment so together they'd form some team.

[img ]http://width=500][/img]

A touch of uaisleacht from Abbeylara

Far classier than St Lomans last year

Abbeylara GAA Club

Dec 10

Massive congratulations to our near neighbors Mullinalaghta on an outstanding achievement today in Tullamore - it was no more than you deserved and you never gave up which was the difference at the end of the...

General discussion / Re: Brexit.
« on: December 10, 2018, 09:54:49 PM »
Sammy Wilson has just said on C4 News that the backstop proposal as it is currently proposed will lead to reunification of Ireland.

Smokin’ Joe- are the DUP taking any notice of industry groups at all?

The DUP and the brexit heads are living a fantasy

Blanche Dubois in a streetcar named desire says “ I don’t want realism. I want magic” That is basically where Arlene is even if she is Protestant. It is total WTF

Longford / Re: Longford Football (& Hurling) Thread
« on: December 10, 2018, 03:23:30 PM »

Eamonn Sweeney: 'Mullinalaghta miracle: The greatest club story ever told'

This is not just a win for Longford champions, this is for all of the country's forgotten places

Eamonn Sweeney 

December 10 18
It's the greatest club story ever told. That the champions of Longford, population 40,810, could beat the champions of Dublin, population 1.35 million, is unlikely enough. But that these Longford champions would represent the smallest club in the GAA's second-smallest county brings the tale into the realm of fantasy. Or maybe even science fiction.

Mullinalaghta's urban hub consists of a church, two pubs and a community centre. There is no shop. The entire parish is three miles long and has 440 inhabitants.

A club from this 'half-parish' beating the epitome of a city super-club, one which breezed through Dublin and Leinster with an average winning margin of seven points, is the kind of scenario Hollywood might reject on plausibility grounds.

But it's really happened. The club championship has never witnessed a result like it.

All week Mullinalaghta were praised for their achievement in reaching this final. But deep down you feared for them.

Even when they got to half-time on level terms the prevailing emotion was, 'phew, at least they shouldn't get too big a beating now.'

The outsiders faced a strong wind in the second half against opposition who, after a rocky spell early in the second quarter, controlled possession expertly in the 10 minutes before the break.

You waited for Kilmacud to open up and move away. But Mullinalaghta, as they've done throughout their history, hung in there against the odds.

Still, when Pat Burke put Crokes three up with 10 minutes left there seemed an inevitability about the result.

Mullinalaghta kept hanging in there. And when, with five minutes left, David McGivney kicked a massive point to close the gap to two, an alternative ending suggested itself. They couldn't, could they?

The Longford men won a free around half-way. John Keegan quickly slipped it to James McGivney who played a pass to Jayson Matthews.
Matthews transferred the ball perfectly to David McGivney who hurtled down the middle like a man feeling the hand of destiny at his back.

McGivney found Aidan McElligott who was about to pull the trigger when Cian O'Sullivan committed a professional foul.

In the semi-final Crokes goalkeeper David Nestor saved a last-minute penalty from Portlaoise's Craig Rogers to win the game.

Another Rogers stepped up to take this kick. Wing-forward Gary, cool as a man kicking around on the beach, wrote his name into the history books by sending Nestor the wrong way.

In that glorious moment the little club's hard history was celebrated and redeemed.

Now the favourites buckled while the underdogs rampaged.

McElligott added another point and Mullinalaghta could have scored a couple more. It didn't matter. Mission impossible had been accomplished.

Disbelief reigned. "Oh my God, didn't they deliver," said winning manager Mickey Graham, wearing the merrily stunned expression of a Lotto winner.

"No-one ever dreamed that this day would come," said captain Shane Mulligan who seemed close to tears as he began his victory speech.

You didn't need to be from the half-parish to know how he felt.

This was 2018's quintessential GAA moment. Because it's not big Croke Park finals which make the Association unique.

Plenty of other sports have days like that. What seems exclusive to the GAA is the perpetual connection between top and bottom.

Players like Paul Mannion and Cian O'Sullivan who've performed in front of 80,000 spectators still have to prove themselves at club level against players who've never played in front of 8,000.

Mannion's duel with Patrick Fox epitomised this. When the Dublin superstar won the first couple of balls he seemed to have too much pace and class for the Mullinalaghta full-back. Yet that was it for Mannion.

Policing him diligently and honestly, sticking close and reading the game superbly, Fox blotted out his man and held him scoreless from play.

Clubs like Mullinalaghta illustrate why the GAA matters so much.

There are places where the club is important to the local community. But in the Mullinalaghtas of this world, the club is the community.

Without the club what identity would a place like Mullinalaghta have? Only the GAA can do this.

We woke up yesterday morning to headlines emphasising the ugly side of sport as the fans of a team based in a huge city, owned by an oligarch and staffed by millionaires dragged their club's name into the gutter.

Today's headlines should be about a little club from a little place who showed the beauty of sport, part of which is that it can neither be scripted nor preordained.


The miraculous is always possible.

This was a win not just for Mullinalaghta but for small clubs everywhere.

The triumph of such clubs is often just staying the course when they might long ago have opted for the comforts of amalgamation with some larger entity. Days like yesterday reward their courage.

It is also a victory for the country's forgotten places, where the broadband is slow, the post offices have been closed and the youngsters are leaving.

Were it not for the club, said star player James McGivney during the week, most of Mullinalaghta's team would have emigrated.

Instead they have travelled back from all over the country in pursuit of a dream. Corner-back Conan Brady has paid his way home from Leeds for eight years to be part of the quest.

People like this deserve everything. Mullinalaghta's underdog story is the one to beat them all. They've shown us no club is too small if its heart is big enough.

General discussion / Re: Brexit.
« on: December 10, 2018, 02:46:57 PM »
Hope the EU/Leo don't budge an inch on the backstop. Let the Brits sort it out for themselves. Bite the bullet and have another referendum, it's the least worst option.
The UK is having a breakdown. Nobody else is. If they yield on the backstop it will be something else next week. It's not rational

General discussion / Re: Brexit.
« on: December 10, 2018, 01:25:05 PM »

Paul Gillespie

The UK exchequer provides a £10.8 billion (€12.1 billion) annual subsidy to Northern Ireland and pays £8.6 billion net each year to the European Union.

The two figures show a striking disproportion between the UK’s internal and external obligations just as the Irish backstop becomes the defining issue in its future relations with the EU. The disproportion is mostly unknown to the British public who voted 52/48 per cent in 2016 for Brexit based in good part on the belief that the cost of EU membership is far higher than it actually is and that its intrusion on UK policymaking is similarly large.

Given the immense strain Brexit is putting on the UK’s internal unity, this disproportionate funding is a really serious matter. The latest Future of England Survey organised by researchers in Edinburgh and Cardiff universities asked voters in each of the UK’s nations whether they prioritise a hard Brexit over a hard border in Ireland. Richard Wyn Jones, one of its authors, summarised the findings:

“An overwhelming majority of Conservative voters in England would prefer to see Scotland become independent and a breakdown of the peace process in Northern Ireland rather than compromise on their support for Brexit. But it’s not just Brexit. Half of English Conservative supporters want to stop Scottish MPs from sitting in the British cabinet altogether.”

Related Brexit: Commons vote on withdrawal agreement postponed – reports
Brexit: Eight things that might happen after Tuesday's Commons vote 
Brexit withdrawal treaty not up for renegotiation, says Coveney

In other notable findings, voters typically expect higher levels of policy alignment with Europe post-Brexit on issues such as roaming charges and food hygiene standards than within the UK. English voters say by 62/38 per cent they want money raised in England to be spent there and not in Northern Ireland. That view is held by 73/28 per cent among Conservative voters whereas among those voting Labour it is 22/78 per cent.

‘Union’s demise’

Wyn Jones concludes: “Strident protestations of faith in the future of the union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from Theresa May and her leading ministers cannot hide the fact that the union is under huge stress as result of Brexit. Ironically, that threat is posed at least as much by those who would regard themselves as unionists as it is by those in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland who actively wish the union’s demise.”

Leave supporters in Northern Ireland value a hard Brexit over the peace process and a soft border by 87 per cent

The surveys reveal what Wyn Jones calls a “devo-anxiety” among English voters. It reflects in part an English nationalism both resenting and seeking greater voice in the devolving UK. That nationalism can be overstated as an independent force but it undoubtedly drives much of this disenchantment.

Leave supporters in Northern Ireland value a hard Brexit over the peace process and a soft border by 87 per cent, illustrating their DUP base. But for the DUP to put such store on avoiding a border down the Irish Sea, given the fraying of popular unionism at the base of Conservatives in England, risks bringing these diminishing solidarities and radically disproportionate UK transfers toNorthern Ireland out into the open in future UK-level bargaining.

Intra-UK solidarity is much stronger among ordinary Labour voters in England than among Conservatives. What that would mean for a possible Labour government arising from Brexit remains to be seen: could it outweigh or counter-balance the Labour leadership’s sympathy for Irish nationalism? Overall non-Conservative voters in England support the UK’s union much more than Tory-Brexit ones.

Economic price

That union would probably have more chance of survival, renewal or civilised voluntary disintegration if Brexit is softer or reversed in a second referendum. This survey bears out the view of commentators who say the end of the UK is more likely to come from the secession of an England no longer prepared to pay the political or economic price of union than from Scottish (or Northern Irish) voters who still have other options.

The Brexit convulsion brings the Irish Question right back into mainstream British politics more intrusively even than during the Northern Ireland Troubles culminating in the 1998 Belfast Agreement. One has to go back 100 years to the December 14th, 1918, general election after the first World War won by unionists and Sinn Féin in Ireland to find it so prominent – and resented.

Lloyd George is widely respected in the UK for having eliminated Ireland from internal British politics by the 1920 partition and the 1921 Irish Treaty. Now that it is back, can one imagine future red buses going around England after the economic shock of a hard Brexit with the slogan: “We send NI £204 million a week. Let’s fund our NHS instead. Vote Leave”?

General discussion / Re: Brexit.
« on: December 10, 2018, 01:22:25 PM »
Sterling is in the gutter.


I'm still not convinced there is any sort of Brexit, hard or soft.

Second referendum or GE. If it's a GE there will be mayhem in the North.

Sterling is trading like an emerging market currency according to the FT

GAA Discussion / Re: Club Championships Jan-Mar 2019
« on: December 10, 2018, 12:59:22 PM »
We are up against v Oramor - Marree they’d be the best Galway intermediate team for a while.

Two starters on the senior team in Nial Burke and McInerney

In Galway the pronunciation is inthirmejit

General discussion / Re: Brexit.
« on: December 10, 2018, 12:38:31 PM »
I actually thinks that splits the Brexit vote - no deal or May's deal are both brexits as such - the Remain vote will be the same (or even larger than the original ballot)
Remain might be 55% now
Still not big enough to be decisive
The country is polarised. It's like northern Ireland !

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